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Chapter One: Jewish Law and the Problem of Religion and State

 

Israeli society is struggling with complex and diverse questions regarding the relationship of religion and state: defining who is a Jew,[1] delineating the borders of the family unit,[2] shaping the character of the public realm,[3] engendering religious pluralism,[4] institutionalizing religion, and providing religious services.[5] The cumulative weight of the controversial issues that have appeared regularly on Israel’s public agenda over the last fifty years have shaken the country’s stability.

The serious, chronic nature of the tension between religion and state in Israel are manifestations of the basic difficulties arising from the encounter between traditional Judaism and a Western liberal state, and between Jewish Law (Halakhah) and state law. Among these difficulties are some fundamental issues: the question of the ideological and functional significance that Judaism and the state have for each other,[6] the binary sources of authority and the challenge of normative duality,[7] the demarcation of the limits of freedom of religion and freedom from religion,[8] and the place of a religious community in a civil society functioning within a liberal political framework.[9]

The discussion regarding issues of religion and state is conducted simultaneously on two levels: extra-religious and intra-religious. Participants in the extra-religious discourse are generally aware of the multifaceted nature of the subject. The complexity and the disciplinary diversity of this discourse finds expression in the fact that it includes jurists, philosophers, political scientists, politicians, sociologists, anthropologists, cultural studies scholars, and others. By contrast, the scope of the intra-religious discourse on religion and state is relatively narrow. The most commonly heard religious voices are political and philosophical, and although other voices are occasionally heard as well, a systematic halakhic concern with questions of religion and state is glaringly absent.

The relationship between religion and state in Israel is fluid and varies over time alongside a host of demographic,[10] economic,[11] ideological,[12] geographic,[13] political,[14] and sociological[15] changes. Those who seek to respond to these changes, however, instinctively seek solutions and norms (legal, social, political, cultural or others) that will deal – either through accommodation or confrontation or alternatives in between – with the “halakhic response” to issues bearing on the relationship between religion and state. The basic initial assumption of the participants in the professional and public discussion is that almost all facets of the elusive mosaic that enter into the relationship of religion and state in Israel – facts, norms, and ideas – can be subject to substantive negotiation between the various segments of Israeli society, except for one: the Halakhah.

This attitude to Halakhah, in my view, encompasses a dual assumption about the very nature of Halakhah. The first is that Halakhah is a monistic normative system, which speaks with only one voice, harmonious and clear-cut. Every question has one and only one “correct” answer, and the halakhist’s role is to uncover it. According to this line of thought, a halakhic dispute is an expression of a confrontation between a true and a false view.[16] The second is that Halakhah is a system whose commandments are fixed, such that it is not meant to react to transitory conditions and to changing human realities. This assumption ostensibly corresponds to the religious intuition expressed in the phrase “this Torah may not be altered”.[17] From this perspective, the religious legal system, to its last detail, is eternal and independent of temporal circumstances.[18]

For many, both religious and secular, Halakhah offers one clear-cut solution to each and every real-life problem, it is supra-historical, and it is oblivious to the dynamic qualities of all societal realities. So too, in the context of issues affecting the relationship between religion and state, the widespread outlook is that the accepted halakhic stance is both exclusive and independent of time, place, culture, or temporal social preferences.

There is, therefore, neither extra- nor intra-halakhic public demand to seek halakhic solutions to questions of religion and state. As such, when rabbinic voices are heard in public and professional discussions, it is largely in their capacity as social leaders or heads of political movements, but not as halakhists. All seem to agree that Halakhah is a basic given around which the web of conflicts of religion and state should be woven, but the Halakhah itself is untouchable. The result is ironic: although Halakhah sits squarely at the point of friction between religion and state, it is considered irrelevant to the discussion aimed at easing this friction.

In my view, this halakhic silence is not only unnecessary but, from a religious perspective, improper. The dual characterization of Halakhah noted above is unacceptable. First, a monistic perception of Halakhah is only one of the options recognized in the halakhic realm. An alternative long-standing tradition, both respected and entrenched, perceives Halakhah as a pluralistic system where many and varied voices resonate. According to this outlook, Halakhah does not offer one necessary answer to every question but rather a spectrum of halakhic reactions – limited, obviously, by the bounds of halakhic legitimacy – which include a variety of legitimate solutions.[19] Second, and more importantly, the understanding of Halakhah as eternal and as operating outside history and unaffected by the dynamics of reality distorts its fundamental nature. Halakhah has always been a living, vital force, a characteristic that has enabled it to respond to changing realities, to influence and be influenced as a “Torah of life”.[20]

The following discussion will analyze the silence of Halakhah and challenge the notion that halakhic discussion is irrelevant to the solution of questions concerning religion and state.

I will offer a basic analysis of the tension between halakhic conservatism (Chapter 2) and the new reality that Halakhah is supposed to regulate in our times (Chapter 3). In doing so, I shall delineate three central phenomena that the current intra-halakhic discourse, and certainly the general discussion of religion and state, should address. In my opinion, halakhic neglect of these three phenomena poses a real threat to the stability and cohesion of Israeli society on the one hand, and to the function of Halakhah as a “Torah of life” on the other. I do not share the view that Halakhah cannot, by its very nature, adapt to momentous changes in its surroundings. Despite the inherent conservatism of Halakhah, halakhic sages of earlier generations knew how to contend with similar situations when contemporary realities changed beyond recognition due to events outside their control (Chapter 4). A similar response, though not necessarily through the same means, is also required today. The gist of this paper is a systematic analysis of several possibilities for halakhic renewal in our time. Some of the proposed strategies are meta-halakhic (Chapter 5, Sections A and B), and some focus on the functioning of Halakhah itself at a normative level (Chapter 5, Sections C and D). Each of these strategies, admittedly, raises difficulties that will not be trivial for those who uphold Halakhah, but this does not exempt them from choosing one or some combination of these approaches. Halakhic resistance may prevent Halakhah’s return to its rightful position in the regulation of Jewish life in Israel, hindering our society from contending with the structural tension between religion and state.

Notes

1.  The definition of who is a Jew has normative implications for citizenship, conversion, registration, and the Israeli Law of Return.
 
2.  The content of laws of marriage, divorce, children’s custody, human rights for women, and so forth.
 
3.  Arrangements concerning the Sabbath and festivals, kashrut in public institutions, the symbols of the state, the operation of state-owned companies, state institutions, and so forth.
 
4.  The issue of pluralism touches on inter-religious and intra-religious tensions between various movements within Judaism.
 
5.  Questions bearing on religious councils, state-sponsored rabbinic institutions (the Chief Rabbinate, local rabbis, and military chaplains), the Ministry of Religious Affairs, the financing of yeshivot, and so forth.
 
6.  Such as: the role of religion in the definition of the state, the shaping of its identity, and the direction of its activities on the one hand, and the implications of the state’s existence for the shaping of normative, philosophical, and religious’s religious significance on the other hand. See for instance, Charles S. Liebman, Religion, Democracy, and Israeli Society (Amsterdam: Harwood, 1997), ch. 1. For a general description see Samuel N. Eisenstadt, “Cultural Traditions and Political Dynamics”, British Journal of Sociology 32 (1981), 151-181; Yeshayahu Leibowitz, “Religion in the State and the State in Religion” [Hebrew], in Judaism, Jewish People and the State of Israel (Tel-Aviv: Schocken, 1975), 121-145. An abridged English translation, entitled “The Crisis of Religion in the State of Israel” appears in Yeshayahu Leibowitz, Judaism, Human Values, and the Jewish State, ed. Eliezer Goldman (Cambridge, Ma.: Harvard University Press, 1992), 158-173.
 
7.  For a description of the tension between state law and Halakhah, see Yedidia Z. Stern, “Living with Normative Duality: The Values at the End of the Tunnel”, Jewish Political Studies Review 12 (2001), 95.
 
8.  See, for instance, Ruth Gavison, “Religion and State: Separation and Privatization” [Hebrew], Mishpat u-Mimshal: Law and Government in Israel 2 (1994), 55; Moshe Negbi, “The Principle of Freedom from Religion” [Hebrew], in Freedom of Conscience, Religion, and Culture in Israel: The Legal Dimension (Jerusalem: Hemdat - Council for Freedom of Religion in Israel, 1998); Gideon Sapir, “Religion and State: A Fresh Theoretical Start”, Notre Dame Law Review 75 (1999), 579.
 
9.  For an anthology dealing with many aspects of multiculturalism see Menachem Mautner, Avi Sagi and Ronen Shamir, eds., Multiculturalism in a Democratic and Jewish State: Memorial Volume for Ariel Rosen-Zvi [Hebrew] (Tel-Aviv: Ramot, 1998).
 
10. For instance, increasing numbers of Israelis who are not Jews, mainly due to the massive immigration from the former Soviet Union. In the future, dissension on religion and state issues will probably no longer be an intra-Jewish matter as it has been so far.
 
11. A rise in private living standards, increased economic competition, higher unemployment, exposure to various aspects of globalization, and so forth.
 
12. Prominent changes include: liberal values that have struck roots within the secular public, and the adoption of an ultra-Orthodox or quasi-ultra-Orthodox Weltanschauung among many religious-Zionists.
 
13. Thus, for instance, the move of ultra-Orthodox residents from their traditional concentrations in Bnei-Berak and Jerusalem to mixed cities widens friction at the local level. On the other hand, the ongoing process of drawing away religious residents to settlements beyond the Green Line creates homogeneous communities. For a description and analysis of the phenomenon of ultra-Orthodox segregation see Yosef Shilhav, A “Shtetel” (Small Town) Within a Modern City: A Geography of Segregation and Acceptance [Hebrew] (Jerusalem: The Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies, 1991).
 
14. Ultra-Orthodox empowerment in the Knesset through the mobilization of many traditionalist votes and of communities that seek to express their ethnic identity on the one hand, and the secular reaction that comes to the fore, for instance, in the prominent place of religion and state issues in the platform of the Shinui party, on the other hand.
 
15. In this context, it is important to emphasize the transition of Israeli society from one of consensus to one of crisis, a fact with implications for Israeli politics and for the relationship of religion and state. See, for instance, Asher Cohen and Bernard Susser, “Changes in the Relationship between Religion and State: Between Consociationalism and Resolution” [Hebrew], in Mautner et al., Multiculturalism in a Democratic and Jewish State, 675.
 
16. For a description and analysis of the monistic approach to Halakhah see Avi Sagi, The Open Canon: On the Meaning of Halakhic Discourse, tr. Batya Stein (forthcoming).
 
17. The ninth principle of Maimonides’ Thirteen Principles of the Faith, in its popular version, states: “I believe with perfect faith that this Torah will not be changed, and that there will never be any other law from the Creator, blessed be His name” (see the Daily Prayer Book after the Morning Service, and Maimonides, Commentary on the Mishnah, introduction to Sanhedrin, ch. 10). In halakhic rulings, this theological principle assumes concrete normative meaning (see note 19 below).
 
18. Thus, for instance, R. Yitzhak Yaakov Weiss (Chief Judge of the Edah Haredit court, who died in 1989) writes as follows in his book Responsa Minhat Yitzhak (Part 3, #38), under the title “Lecture on Contemporary Practical Halakhic Problems at a Rabbis’ Conference”:
I wish to stress one thing concerning the issues mentioned, and even though it is redundant to refer to it I must emphasize this matter because of the outrageousness of the times: despite progress and despite the constant new inventions, we do believe with perfect faith that the Torah we received at Sinai will not be changed and there will never be any other law from the Creator, blessed be His name. There is no question of us comparing and adjusting the Holy Torah to the circumstances of our life, but only of us adjusting ourselves and the circumstances of our lives to our Holy Torah, since only then will the Torah live. The opposite, God forbid, is a transgression of the Torah, as the Ktav Sofer, of blessed memory (in his responsa on Orah Hayyim, #20), commented on the verse: “It is time to act for the Lord; they have made void thy Torah” [Psalms 119:126], saying it speaks of those who think abominable thoughts unwanted by God, of which there are now many, just as there are many who think themselves wise and know the times in order to set times for the Torah, holding that “it is time to act for the Lord” means not all times are the same. Thereby, “they have made void thy Torah” for they are wrong, mislead the many, have caused many losses and, by setting times for the Torah, have hurt many souls, may God save them, for the Torah is eternal in every place and at all times. Hence, whenever a question or a new problem is brought before us regarding some new invention, we must solve it only according to the Holy Torah and, with God’s help, find the proper source in the Talmud and the responsa to issue a true ruling.
 
19. More precisely: each halakhist proposes his preferred solution. Pluralism is evident in the very legitimization of dispute and in the internalization of the option that “these and these are words of the living God”. R. Yom Tov b. Abraham Ishbili (known as Ritba) comments on the meaning of this statement (Hiddushei ha-Ritba le-Masekhet Eruvin [Jerusalem: Mosad Harav Kook, 1974]), 13b:
The French rabbis, of blessed memory, asked how can both be the words of the living God when one allows and the other forbids? And they explained that, when Moses ascended to Heaven to receive the Torah he was shown, concerning every matter, forty-nine reasons for forbidding and forty-nine reasons for allowing. And he asked the Holy One, blessed be He, about this matter, and he was told that it would be for the sages of Israel in each generation to decide, and the ruling would follow them.
Nissim Gerondi also supports this view in his commentary: “He allowed the sages in each generation to decide on rabbinical disputes according to their view… since we have been commanded to follow the sages in each generation, whether they agree on the truth or its opposite” (R. Nissim Gerondi, Derashot Ha-Ran, ed. Aryeh Leib Feldman [Jerusalem: Shalem Institute, 1977]), #5. These and other sources are quoted and analyzed in Shimshon Ettinger, “Controversy and Truth: On Truth in the Halakhic Context” [Hebrew], Shenaton ha-Mishpat ha-Ivri: Annual of the Institute for Research in Jewish Law, 21 (1998-2000), 37.
 
20. For a general description of the dynamic character of Halakhah and its development in response to changing historical reality, see Menachem Elon, Jewish Law: History, Sources, Principles, tr. Bernard Auerbach and Melvin J. Sykes (Philadelphia and Jerusalem: Jewish Publication Society, 1994), chs. 1 and 2.