JERUSALEM -- People have vivid recollections of those rare moments in their lives, when they made their most important decision: to become artists or scientists or rich or anything else. I also remember such a moment, but it was an occasion when I made up my mind about what I don't want to be: a politician.
It was during the primaries in one of the conventions of the Israeli Labor Party, some 10 years ago. Candidates were running around, cajoling party bosses, lobbying, sweet-talking, threatening, begging. Television cameras carried all this haggling into the living rooms of the Israelis. It was pretty boring, except that suddenly, by a rare touch of luck, the TV crew caught something extraordinary.
Into the convention hall stepped one of the party's elder leaders, long retired from active political career. He came to get a sniff of the action. One of the party apparatchiks saw him and welcomed him with a warm hug. Then the apparatchik pulled him aside, and, unaware of the nearby TV crew, looked him in the eyes and said solemnly: ''I give you my word of honor. I have just voted for you.'' The older guy patted him affectionately on the shoulder. "Thanks, friend. Except that I'm not running.''
This episode came to mind this week when political hell broke loose in Israel. Benjamin Netanyahu, who quit his position as finance minister in Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's government, is now working vigorously to defeat Sharon in the primaries in the Likud party and succeed him as prime minister.
Obviously, he has to justify his move by disparaging Sharon. Referring to the evacuation of the Gaza Strip, which Sharon had just accomplished successfully, Netanyahu said in a press conference that, ''I can't be a part of a move that I think compromises the security of Israel.'' Netanyahu only forgot to mention that he himself sat in the same government that had decided on that move and at least three times voted in favor of the pullout. Why confuse us with the facts?
Sharon was quick to throw insults at Netanyahu, calling him irresponsible. And this is the same Netanyahu who, just weeks ago, as finance minister, won praises from Sharon for his leadership in advancing Israel's economy. Netanyahu said that he ''couldn't bear the thought that Israel had become a corrupt state,'' hinting at the cloud of suspicions surrounding the Sharon family. Yet, when he made that statement, who exactly sat next to him on the podium? One Knesset member who was prosecuted for bribing supporters and another who was charged with double-voting in Israel's parliament. So much for winning the trust of the weary citizens.
All this was like an infusion of fresh blood to the Labor Party. The party, which for all purposes had been declared dead by all, was suddenly talking about quitting the government, defeating the torn-apart Likud in the elections and retaking power. But wait a second -- How can these people explain to the voters why on Earth they are blaming everything on a government in which they had been senior partners? Trust them: They can, and they will.
Labor, by the way, has been in the last months plagued by flawed (if not corrupt) primaries, with five candidates undermining each other. Yet this week, former Prime Minister Ehud Barak, who has been trailing far behind in the polls, dropped a bombshell when he called upon all candidates to stop campaigning and unite behind the leadership of Shimon Peres, whom he called ''the only one who can lead us to victory.'' That Barak repeatedly had called Peres a ''serial loser'' just a week ago is, of course, beside the point.
OK, enough with this bickering. Israel, at one of its most crucial moments, will be thrown into a political maelstrom. In the end, there might emerge a new government, headed by that strange couple -- Sharon and Peres -- who between them share 160 years of age.
But why complain? All of us who had made a vow not to set foot in politics have only ourselves to blame.
This article was first published in The Miami Herald on September 2, 2005. http://www.miami.com
The opinions expressed herein are the author's own personal opinions and do not necessarily reflect those of the Israel Democracy Institute.